Corruption rules in Saudi jails

 

Syed Neaz Ahmad

 

In contrast to the bright lights and glamour of Mahmood Saeed shopping mall near the disused runway of old Jeddah airport are a number of nondescript buildings that look like warehouses. That they are high-security prisons escapes the imagination. Most commuters drive past the buildings without realising the sinister reputation such places have in Saudi Arabia.
My journey to the "unknown" began in Mecca where I spent the first six nights at the dreaded Mabahus (Saudi Intelligence) detention centre. The notorious building is located at the foot of a mountain in al-Nuzha district. The road is uneven and the place is not easily accessible; passers-by avoid it, motorists go past in high gear and the dusty street bears a desolate look.
My 11-day journey to two cities, 13 detention centres, and a 150-kilometre ride through the desert was no picnic by the Red Sea. This was an experience nobody need to go through but – call it a conspiracy or karma – I had no choice. I was thrown into a prison room barely large enough to accommodate 100 but some 500 persons had been locked in there, in the extreme desert heat.
The room was full of expatriates and some Saudis. As I entered, old timers rushed towards me – Egyptians, Afghanis, Indians, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Indonesians and nationals of African countries – for news from the outside world. They were keen to know if there had been a radical change in the system or if there was any truth in the rumour that Saudi Arabia was going to have an elected parliament and that the kingdom would soon become a democratic republic. My answers didn't please them.
My first shock was the sight of a nine-year-old Nigerian boy sitting on his own crying aloud. He wanted to go to his mama. He had been separated from his family in a souk. For the police, he was an illegal immigrant and booked for deportation. Does the Saudi sharia law require a nine-year-old to be imprisoned with adults? This was not a funfair. Apparently Saudi law is blind when it comes to such subtleties.
My mobile phone and most of the cash in my pocket had been confiscated but inside I saw inmates communicating with the outside world. I was told phones were smuggled in with the connivance of the guards, cigarettes and what appeared to be addictive tablets of some sort were sold for cash. The business was brisk and cash turnover seemed high.
I paid five riyals for a call – to the British Consulate – that would normally cost one-fifth of a riyal. Cigarettes were sold for 10 riyals each whereas outside a packet of 20 costs around six riyals. I have no idea about the tablets and their Jeddah street-price but I am glad I am not an addict for I couldn't afford the habit.
One question that every inmate asked was: "What did you do?" Everyone had a story to tell, and with no television, radio or newspapers, the only pastime inside the prison is to talk.
There was this HGV driver from Peshawar who hadn't received his salary for six months and his employer wasn't keen to pay him either. The driver had paid 2,000 riyals to a Saudi lawyer to take his employer to court. But the employer terminated his service, revoked his sponsorship and reported the driver absconding. The driver's subsequent arrest and torture was a matter of routine. Despite his long stay in prison he is still optimistic.
The story of three burly carpenters from Cairo was similar. They had been made redundant as their sponsor went out of business. He allowed them to work elsewhere to earn money for their journey home. Later he changed his mind, reported them for absconding and got fresh visas which he sold at an exorbitant price.
A young man from Islamabad, a welder, had been offered a job in Medina but on his arrival was told that the factory had been relocated – some 50km down Tabuk highway. It was the middle of nowhere, the factory was an illegal set-up and this welder was the only worker. The little water and food that was delivered fortnightly he had share with the camels and goats.
He tried to talk things over with his employer but it didn't work out. One moonlit night the welder decided to call it a day, walked through the rugged terrain, reached the highway, hitched a ride and surrendered to the police. For a small fee of 500 riyals the police agreed to deport him. Six months have gone past but the welder is still waiting for a passage to Pakistan.
A Saudi-born 18-year-old Yemeni student whose father has a retail shop – in partnership with a Saudi – was a pathetic case. One evening the young man was helping his father arrange shelves inside the shop when the police raided and asked for his residence permit. Scared, the boy started to run but was caught. He was charged with breaking the rules – as a student he cannot work – and was hauled in for deportation. Yesterday I received an SMS from him that his father has secured his release. At what cost, he didn't inform me.
In Jeddah prison I met hundreds of inmates from Burma (Myanmar). Thousands of Burmese Muslims from Arakan – often called Rohingyas – were offered permanent residence in Saudi Arabia by King Faisal but with the change of rulers in Riyadh the rules underwent a change too. The haven of peace that was offered to these refugess is now nothing less than a chamber of horrors.
Sudanese, Nigerians, Erirteans, Ethiopians and Somalis usually go to Saudi Arabia for pilgrimage but with turmoil back home they overstay, do odd jobs, get caught and get deported. African inmates are usually the ones most aware of what's happening around the world. I spotted a number of "Man United for the Cup" graffiti.
Going back to "business" in Saudi prisons, the Burmese Muslims – having been there for around three years – had developed a good working relationship with the guards. They sold soap, shampoo, razors, trousers, shirts, painkillers, toothpaste and other items. Then there were "restaurants" offering biscuits, tea and coffee. Dare-devil young men would recharge mobile phones – for a fee of 10 riyals – by tapping into the electricity wires.
The Jeddah newspaper, Arab News, recently carried a report about the profitable business opportunities that Saudi prisons offer. Narcotic peddling under the nose of the guards, directing criminal activities over the phone from within the four walls of the prisons is common. The paper quoted Major General Ali al-Harithy, Director General of Prisons, saying that prison authorities have noticed that some inmates use mobile phones to run their criminal activities outside. Others use mobile phones to smuggle narcotics into prison premises.
Before I checked out from my cell I couldn't resist the temptation of leaving my own mark on the wall: "Corruption Rules. OK! (This article first appeared in The Guardian London)

                   

Tired of life but not of London!

• 

                       

Syed Neaz Ahmad

 

In a month that marked the wettest day of the year in the UK, historians at a school argued that Britain's imperial past has been ignored for too long and should be reinstated at the core of secondary school curriculum.

It's probably a sign of the times that having waited in the wings for so many decades, heir to the British throne Prince Charles has agreed to become the Sarpanch of a high-tech village in India. Well, if not the king, at least the position of village head awaits Prince Charles. The days of the Raj are here again! A local newspaper reported that after four decades since the imperial flag was hauled down from classroom walls across Britain, the empire looks like striking again.
London is not just the capital of what was once Great Britain. It ranks as one of the world's oldest and most historic cities. London traces its history back nearly 2,000 years. Over the years, it became the center of Britain's enormous overseas empire and the home of many of the world's greatest artists, poets, writers, scientists and statesmen.
Well, whether the empire strikes or not, it seems since the beginning of last summer — as in previous years — tourists have definitely run over the British capital. Every year millions of tourists visit London to see such historic sights like Buckingham Palace, Westminster Abbey, and the Tower of London.
Buckingham Palace has long been the London home of Britain's monarchs, including the present Queen Elizabeth II. When the Queen celebrates her birthdays and jubilees, it's not just a piece of news story for the world media. Many from overseas visit the city to join in the festivities.
Living in London today, we find what we may think of as local is in fact a part of the whole country's global image. For example, our everyday experience of riding the red double-decker bus, using the black taxi, driving along in a Mini Cooper, going up the London Eye, walking past a red telephone box or just setting our watches by the Big Ben.
These images appear usual and ordinary for those who come across them daily, but to millions of tourists that visit London, it's all a part of the history of the city. All these aspects add to the exclusive feeling — the London atmosphere.
However, it's not too late for the empire to strike back. On the contrary, people from different countries that once formed the British Empire have followed their former rulers and settled here. As a result, London has become an exciting cosmopolitan city with a multicultural society — enriching the already wonderful city.
Today one need not travel abroad to get a taste of Arab, Asian, Chinese, Mexican or Japanese cuisine and culture. One can enjoy everything from a Moroccan souk to a Delhi bazaar right here.
Moroccans first came to London in the late 1960s and early 70s. Most of those who settled around Golborne Road came from Larache, a small town near Tangier. Some 5,000 Moroccans are said to be living in North Kensington and the Golborne Road area. It has become their shopping and business center. Butcher shops selling halal meat, cafes serving couscous, tagine and flat breads have become favorite haunts for those with a taste for North African cuisine.
Those shops are pretty authentic right down to price haggling. The places cater for the locals and the tourists. Even fashionable interlopers like and attempt to capture some of the ambience.
However, nothing can prepare you for the colorful bazaar of Southhall Broadway and its dizzying mixture of sari centers, sweetmeat stores, balti, kulcha and pani puri houses offering every type of cuisine from the Indian subcontinent — from vegetarian thali to brain masala.
A tide of colorfully dressed people adds to the scene, buying fabric or the latest Hindi music from Bollywood. It's estimated that there are around 2 million people of South Asian origin living in London and the majority make a visit down to Southall during the weekends. Depending on where you come from, it's the Chandni Chowk of Delhi, Amritsar market or Lahore's Anarkali — all in west London.
If you are tired of curry and brain masala, you can jump on a red bus and travel to Little Tokyo or Little Saigon. Little Tokyo can be seen behind the suburban facades — a number of Japanese business houses have sprung up between Ealing Common and West Acton.
Travel to Hackney in North London where you will find yourself in Little Saigon — home to the majority of refugees from North Vietnam. Here, one can find a network of cafes and restaurants. In the market along the streets of the area you can find star fruit, lychees and fresh mint. If that doesn't tickle your fancy you can always get your hair done at Dzung Salon while listening to the latest Saigon pop or have your nails taken care of at one of the many nail bars.
But no write-up on London can be considered complete without the mention of Little Arabia around Marble Arch and Queensway. Edgware Road in London's West End by far attracts more tourists from the Middle East than any other region. Like in Jeddah, Kuwait or Dubai, Edgware Road's sheesha parlours and shawermah joints are open until the early morning. Along the pavement, people of different age groups who are dressed in their best and carry worry beads shop or just shop around. Here East — err Middle East — meets the West.
If you have been following the news about some people suggesting that Queen Elizabeth II abdicate in favor of Prince Charles, you would know how the Queen feels.
Some Londoners may be tired of her, but she is not tired of London — at least not yet!

Burmese Muslims
Stateless at home and no refuge elsewhere!

By Syed Neaz Ahmad

Dhaka: THEY are thought to be the world's most persecuted refugees. It is also argued that they are one of the most forgotten too. In Jeddah prison I saw and met hundreds of inmates from Burma. Thousands of Burmese Muslims from Arakan – often called Rohingyas – were offered a safe haven in Saudi Arabia by King Faisal but with the change in rulers in Saudi Arabia the rules underwent a change too. A permanent abode of peace that was offered to these uprooted Arakanese is now nothing less than a chamber of horrors.

There are some three thousand families of Burmese Muslims in Makkah and Jeddah prisons awaiting their deportation. Women and children are held in separate prisons nearby. The only contact the men have with their wives and children is through mobile phones.

But the interesting question is: Where will they be sent? Burma (Myanmar) doesn't want them. Bangladesh with a large population, porous border and poor economy doesn't have the inclination or the ability to handle a refugee population of this size. The Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh are having a rough time as it is. Pakistan's offer to accept part of the Rohingyas – awaiting deportation in Saudi prisons – is seen as mere a diplomatic exercise. Against the background of Islamabad's treatment of some 300,000 stranded Pakistanis – living a miserable life in camps in Bangladesh – senior Rohingya inmates look at Pakistani overture with suspicion.

But who are these people called Burmese Muslims, Arakanese or Rohingyas? The people who call themselves Rohingyas are the Muslims of the Mayu Frontier area, present-day Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships of Arakan (Rakhine) State, a province isolated in the western part of the country across the river Naf which forms the boundary between Myanmar and Bangladesh.

After Myanmar had gained independence, a concentration of nearly ninety per cent of the area's population – of Islamic faith formed an ethnic and religious minority group on the western fringe of the republic. In the beginning they favoured a policy of joining Pakistan. This policy faded away when they could not gain support from the government of Pakistan. Later they began to call for the establishment of an autonomous region instead.

Their insistence to call themselves 'the Muslims of Arakan' and adoption of Urdu as their national language indicated their inclination towards the sense of collective identity that the Muslims of Indian subcontinent showed before the partition of India (Department of Defence Service Archives, Rangoon: CD 1016/10/11).

In June 1951 All-Arakan Muslim Conference was held in village Alethangyaw, and 'The Charter of the Constitutional Demands of the Arakani Muslims' was published. It called for 'the balance of power between the Muslims and the Maghs (Arakanese), two major races of Arakan.' The demand of the charter read: North Arakan should be immediately formed a free Muslim State as equal constituent Member of the Union of Burma like the Shan State, the Karenni State, the Chin Hills, and the Kachin Zone with its own Militia, Police and Security Forces under the General Command of the Union (Department of the Defence Service Archives, Rangoon: DR 1016/10/13).

It is noteworthy that in the charter these peoples are mentioned as the Muslims of Arakan and not Rohingyas. The word 'Rohingya', it is claimed, was first suggested by Abdul Gaffar, an MP from Buthidaung, in his article 'The Sudeten Muslims',

During his campaign for the 1960 elections, Myanmar Prime Minister U Nu promised statehood for Arakanese and Mon people. When he came to power the plans for the formation of the Arakan and Mon states were forgotten. Naturally, the Muslim members of parliament from Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships denounced the plan and called for the establishment of a Rohingya state. (SOAS bulletin of Burma research, 2005)

In 1973, Ne Win's Revolutionary Council sought public opinion for drafting a new constitution. The Muslims from the Mayu Frontier submitted a proposal to the Constitution Commission for the creation of a separate Muslim state or at least a division for them (Kyaw Zan Tha, 1995).

'The proposal was turned down. When elections were held under the 1974 Constitution the Bengali Muslims from the Mayu Frontier Area were denied the right to elect their representatives to the "Pyithu Hlut-taw" (People's Congress). After the end of the Independence war in Bangladesh some arms and ammunitions flowed into the hands of the young Muslim leaders from Mayu Frontier. On 15 July 1972 a congress of all Rohingya parties was held at the Bangladeshi border to call for the Rohingya National Liberation' (Mya Win, 1992).

Myanmar's successive military regimes persisted in a policy of denying citizenship to most Bengalis, especially in the frontier area. They stubbornly grasped the 1982 Citizenship Law that allowed only the ethnic groups who had lived in Burma before the First Anglo-Burmese War that began in 1824 as the citizens of the country. By this law those Muslims had been treated as aliens in the land they have inhabited for more than a century.

'According to the 1983 census Muslims in Arakan constituted 24.3 percent and they were categorized as Bangladeshi, while the Arakanese Buddhists formed 67.8 percent of the population of the Arakan (Rakhine) State' (Immigration and Manpower Department 1987:I-14).

'In the 1988 Democracy movement Muslims raised the Rohingya issue. Subsequently when the military junta allowed the registration of the political parties they asked for their parties to be recognized under the name "Rohingya." Their demand was turned down and so they formed the National Democratic Party for Human rights (NDPHR) that won in four constituencies in 1990 elections – eleven candidates of the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD) were elected to the legislature. However, the Elections Commission abolished both the ALD and the NDPHR in 1991. Some of the party members had to go into exile.'

In 1978 the Burmese junta created a situation for the Arakanese Muslims that forced them to leave their country for safety elsewhere. However, those who crossed over to East Pakistan or Thailand were never considered as welcome visitors. The Myanmar government has consistently refused to recognise the Rohingyas as citizens, who have been forced to flee their homeland since 1978 – to neighbouring Thailand and as far as Japan.

According to Amnesty International, in 1978 over 200,000 Rohingyas fled to Bangladesh, following the Burmese army's Operation Nagamin. Most – it is claimed by Yangon – were eventually repatriated, but around 15,000 refused to return. In 1991, a second wave of about a quarter of a million Rohingyas fled Myanmar to Bangladesh

The Malaysianinsider.com reports that in January, shocking news emerged of the mistreatment by Thai security forces of over a thousand 'boat people' travelling from Bangladesh and Myanmar to Thailand and Malaysia. Most of them were Rohingyas. They drifted at sea for weeks, without sufficient food and water, after having been beaten, towed out, and abandoned. The Indian navy rescued about 400 in different batches; Indonesia rescued a further 391. The rest were reported missing, presumed dead.

In Bangladesh, it is said that there are over 250,000 Rohingyas, some 35,000 of them in overcrowded camps.

There are a further 13,600 registered with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Malaysia (although there are thousands yet unregistered), an estimated 3,000 in Thailand, and unknown numbers in India.

All of these countries have not ratified the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, its 1967 Protocol, the 1954 Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons and the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness.

Most Rohingyas in Asia are considered irregular migrants. Without official papers, they are often subject to arrest, detention, punishment for immigration offences and deportation. Forced to work in the informal labour market, they are often exploited and cheated.

In Malaysia, where some Rohingyas have resided since the early 1990s, they continue to be rounded up in immigration operations, whipped, and handed over to human traffickers on the Thai-Malaysia border. Some have been deported multiple times; some have 'disappeared' along the way. Around 730,000 remain in Myanmar, most of whom live in the Arakan state. The State Peace and Development Council, the military regime that rules Myanmar, continues to disavow Rohingyas as citizens.

Consequently, the Rohingyas are still subject to forced labour, forced eviction, and land confiscation. Strict restrictions are placed on their freedom of movement, freedom to marry, and freedom to own property. Many who return from abroad have been imprisoned for years, punished for crossing the border 'illegally'. Conditions in the Arakan state continue to deteriorate, increasing the likelihood of further outflows into neighbouring countries.

The UNHCR has been allowed limited access inside Burma. The UN agency claims that it has helped more than 200,000 to get better healthcare and some 35,000 children to education. But this kind of help is merely a drop in the ocean. It's an irony that countries in Asia and elsewhere – particularly Muslim countries – have shown little or no desire to help ease the situation.

The UNHCR spokesman in Asia, Kitty Mckinsey says: 'No country has really taken up their cause. Look at the Palestinians, for example, they have a lot of countries on their side. The Rohingyas do not have any friends in the world.'

Obviously, an immediate and sympathetic solution is needed; otherwise, it can plunge Rohingyas into deeper suffering, cause resistance amongst host societies, and fail at stemming the onward movement of Rohingyas into the region.

The late King Faisal's decision to offer them a permanent abode in Saudi Arabia was a gesture that reflected his noble approach to the problems faced by Muslims in other countries. However, later Saudi rulers have found the Burmese Muslims a thorn in their side. With strict regulation on their employment and movement within the Kingdom Saudi police find them easy targets for extortion and torture.

Although Myanmar Muslims have showed collective political interest for more than five decades since the country gained independence, their political and cultural rights have not been recognised. On the contrary, the demand for the recognition of their rights sounds like a direct challenge to the right of autonomy and the myth of survival for the Arakanese majority in their homeland.

It is said that there are some 250,000 Burmese Muslims in Saudi Arabia – majority living in Makkah Al-Mukarramah's slums Naqqasha and Kudai. They sell vegetables, sweep streets, work as porters, carpenters, unskilled labour, and those fortunate enough become drivers.

The correct number of the Rohingya refugees living in Asian countries – Bangladesh, Pakistan, India, Thailand, Malaysia, Japan and Saudi Arabia – is anybody's guess. But this diaspora of refugees attracts human traffickers. It is not uncommon for poor Rohingyas to marry off their very young – sometimes underage – daughters to old and affluent Saudis in the hope of getting 'official favours'. But with a high rate of divorce in Saudi Arabia in the Saudi society this hasn't worked for many. Rohingya wives of Saudi men are not easily accepted in the Saudi society and they have to survive – as second class wives – on the periphery of the social infrastructure.

Those whom I met in Jeddah prisons seem to have accepted the situation as fait accompli. But it is unfair that these innocent people be made to suffer in a country which is considered the citadel of Islam, that houses the two holiest places of worship on earth and the rulers style themselves as Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques.

King Abdullah is not only the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, he is also the Custodian of those living in that country, including Rohingya refugees who were invited by one of his illustrious predecessors. Will Saudi Arabia live up to its promises and expectations? Dhaka with friendly ties with the country must impress upon Riyadh to find an early solution to this thorn in the side of humanity.

Syed Neaz Ahmad, who taught at Umm Al-Qura University, Makkah, is a London-based journalist. He writes for British, Arab & Bangladeshi press. He anchors a chatshow on NTV Europe. His book on Saudi Arabia, The Kingdom & I is expected to be published in December 2013.

(The above article - initially a shorter version written for London Guardian - was published in UNCR's Refugees Daily: Refugees Global Press Review, Media Relations and Public Information Service, UNHCR)

 

 

 

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